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Osisko Metals Incorporated (the ‘ Company or ‘ Osisko Metals ‘) ( TSX: OM,OTC:OMZNF ; OTCQX: OMZNF ; FRANKFURT: 0B51 ) is pleased to announce new drill results from the Gaspé Copper Project, located in the Gaspé Peninsula of Eastern Québec.

Osisko Metals CEO Robert Wares commented: ‘These latest results continue to confirm significant higher-grade mineralization in the southern extension, with hole 30-1136 returning 64.5 metres averaging 2.70% Cu. We remain highly confident about the growth of our project and look forward to the updated Mineral Resource Estimate in early 2026.’

New analytical results are presented below (see Table 1), including 21 mineralized intercepts from eight new drill holes. Infill intercepts are located inside the 2024 MRE model ( see November 14, 2024 news release ), and are focused on upgrading inferred mineral resources to measured or indicated categories, as applicable. Expansion intercepts are located outside the 2024 MRE model and may potentially lead to additional resources that will be classified appropriately within the next MRE update. Some of the reported intercepts have contiguous shallower infill as well as deeper expansion (noted on Table 1 below as ‘Both’). Maps showing hole locations are available at www.osiskometals.com .

20251120 Osisko Metals news release Figure 1/plan view

20251120 Osisko Metals news release figure 2/long section

Highlights:

  • Drill hole 30-1136
    • 284.5 metres averaging 0.41% Cu (0.43% CuEq – expansion)
    • 138.0 metres averaging 1.45% Cu (1.52% CuEq – expansion), including 64.5 metres averaging 2.70% Cu (2.82% CuEq – expansion)
  • Drill hole 30-1120
    • 598.5 metres averaging 0.28% Cu (0.37% CuEq – infill and expansion)
  • Drill hole 30-1129
    • 881.0 metres averaging 0.22% Cu (0.30% CuEq – infill and expansion)
  • Drill hole 30-1133
    • 550.5 metres averaging 0.28% Cu (0.36% CuEq – infill and expansion)
  • Drill hole 30-1134
    • 309.0 metres averaging 0.17% Cu (0.27% CuEq – infill and expansion)
    • 228.5 metres averaging 0.41% Cu (0.52% CuEq – expansion)
  • Drill hole 30-1138
    • 685.8 metres averaging 0.27% Cu (0.35% CuEq – infill)
  • Drill hole 30-1139
    • 873.0 metres averaging 0.23% Cu (0.29% CuEq – infill)
  • Drill hole 30-1140
    • 105.0 metres averaging 0.43% Cu (0.50% CuEq – infill)

Table 1: Infill and Expansion Drilling Results

DDH No. From (m) To (m) Length (m) Cu % Ag g/t Mo % CuEq* % Type**
30-1120 143.0 415.5 272.5 0.22 1.84 0.005 0.25 Infill
And 541.5 1140.0 598.5 0.28 1.60 0.023 0.37 Both
(including) 541.5 784.1 242.6 0.22 1.60 0.023 0.32 Infill
(including) 784.1 1140.0 355.9 0.32 1.60 0.024 0.42 Expansion
30-1129 16.9 897.9 881.0 0.22 4.32 0.014 0.30 Both
(including) 16.9 645.9 629.0 0.23 1.61 0.011 0.28 Infill
(including) 645.9 897.9 252.0 0.20 2.08 0.023 0.30 Expansion
And 1013.6 1063.5 49.9 0.21 2.70 0.009 0.25 Expansion
30-1133 26.0 51.0 25.0 0.24 1.74 <0.005 0.25 Infill
And 205.5 226.5 21.0 0.11 1.31 0.009 0.15 Infill
And 247.5 294.0 46.5 0.12 1.08 0.011 0.17 Infill
And 310.5 861.0 550.5 0.28 1.89 0.018 0.36 Both
(including) 310.5 744.0 433.5 0.28 1.79 0.018 0.36 Infill
(including) 744.0 861.0 117.0 0.3 2.27 0.019 0.38 Expansion
30-1134 46.5 339.0 292.5 0.17 0.81 0.008 0.20 Infill
And 393.0 702.0 309.0 0.17 0.74 0.027 0.27 Both
(including) 393.0 577.1 184.1 0.18 0.84 0.021 0.26 Infill
(including) 577.1 702.0 124.9 0.14 0.60 0.037 0.28 Expansion
And 780.0 1008.5 228.5 0.41 1.67 0.027 0.52 Expansion
30-1136 17.0 301.5 284.5 0.41 2.83 <0.005 0.43 Expansion
(including) 151.5 169.5 18.0 1.35 7.40 <0.005 1.42 Expansion
And 376.5 514.5 138.0 1.45 10.8 <0.005 1.52 Expansion
(including) 379.5 444.0 64.5 2.70 19.0 <0.005 2.82 Expansion
30-1138 29.7 715.5 685.8 0.27 1.47 0.018 0.35 Infill
30-1139 7.0 26.0 19.0 0.35 2.59 <0.005 0.37 Infill
And 78.0 951.0 873.0 0.23 1.78 0.011 0.29 Infill
30-1140 5.5 61.0 55.5 0.29 2.08 <0.005 0.30 Infill
And 124.5 187.5 63.0 0.16 1.90 0.011 0.22 Infill
And 355.5 460.5 105.0 0.43 3.08 0.012 0.50 Infill
And 493.8 687.0 193.2 0.16 1.10 0.021 0.25 Both
(including) 493.8 609.0 115.2 0.16 1.17 0.026 0.27 Infill
(including) 609.0 687.0 78.0 0.16 1.01 0.014 0.22 Expansion
And 787.3 856.5 69.2 0.22 1.33 0.039 0.37 Expansion

* See explanatory notes below on copper equivalent values and Quality Assurance/Quality Controls.
** ‘Both’ indicates drill holes that have contiguous shallower infill as well as deeper expansion intercepts.

Discussion

Drill hole 30-1120, located on top of Copper Mountain near the centre of the 2024 MRE model, cut two significant mineralized intervals including 272.5 metres averaging 0.22 % Cu and 1.84 g/t Ag, followed by 598.5 metres averaging 0.28% Cu, 1.60 g/t Ag and 0.023% Mo, extending mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 1140 metres.

Drill hole 30-1129, located on the western flank of Copper Mountain, cut two mineralized intervals including 881.0 metres averaging 0.22 % Cu and 4.32 g/t Ag and 0.014% Mo (which includes 200 metres of depth expansion), extending mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 897.9 metres.

Drill hole 30-1133, located on the western flank of Copper Mountain, cut three mineralized intervals including 550.5 metres averaging 0.28 % Cu, 1.89 g/t Ag and 0.018% Mo (infill). This hole extended mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 831 metres, ending in the porphyry intrusion core of the Copper Mountain deposit.

Drill hole 30-1134, located near the south-western lip of the Copper Mountain open pit, cut three mineralized intervals including 309.0 metres averaging 0.17 % Cu, 0.74 g/t Ag and 0.027% Mo (infill) as well as a deeper intersection of 228.5 metres averaging 0.41 % Cu, 1.67 g/t Ag and 0.027% Mo (expansion), extending mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 1008.5 metres.

Drill hole 30-1136, located 125 metres south of the southern margin of the 2024 MRE model, cut two mineralized intersections, all expansion outside the current resource model, including 284.5 metres averaging 0.41 % Cu and 2.83 g/t Ag within (and above) the B and C Zone skarn horizons, as well as 138.0 metres averaging 1.45 % Cu and 10.8 g/t Ag from 45 metres above the E Zone horizon to 88 metres below it. This latter intersection included a high-grade interval of 64.5 metres averaging 2.70 % Cu and 19.0 g/t Ag that comprised dense sulfide vein/breccia zones located above and below the E Zone horizon, the latter consisting of replacement massive sulfides averaging 9.1% Cu over 4.5 metres. The vein/breccia zones are similar to what was encountered in drill hole 30-1128, located 95 metres west of 30-1136 ( see November 12, 2025 news release ). The massive sulfides in drill hole 30-1136 are located in what was previously described as the tabular E-28 Zone at Gaspé Copper, defined over a 240 m X 40 m area but never mined. However, the sulfide vein/breccia zones around the E Zone horizon were not previously documented in this area, and their extent and orientation are presently unknown.

Drill hole 30-1138, located near the southern lip of the Copper Mountain open pit, cut one mineralized interval of 685.8 metres averaging 0.27 % Cu, 1.47 g/t Ag and 0.018% Mo (infill). This hole confirmed mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 725 metres, ending in the porphyry intrusion core of the Copper Mountain deposit.

Drill hole 30-1139, located on top of Copper Mountain near the centre of the 2024 MRE model, cut two significant mineralized intervals including 873.0 metres averaging 0.23 % Cu, 1.78 g/t Ag and 0.011% Mo confirming mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 815 metres.

Drill hole 30-1140, located near the eastern margin of the 2024 MRE model, cut five intersections of mineralization, 55 to 193 metres thick and distributed in ‘layer cake’ fashion from surface, including 105.0 metres averaging 0.43 % Cu, 3.08 g/t Ag and 0.012% Mo extending mineralization in this area to a vertical depth of 856 metres.

Mineralization at Gaspé Copper is of porphyry copper/skarn type and occurs as disseminations and stockworks of chalcopyrite with pyrite or pyrrhotite and minor bornite and molybdenite. One prograde and at least five retrograde vein/stockwork mineralizing events have been recognized at Copper Mountain, which overprint earlier, bedding replacement skarn and porcellanite-hosted mineralization throughout the Gaspé Copper system. Porcellanite is a historical mining term used to describe bleached, pale green to white potassic-altered hornfels. Subvertical stockwork mineralization dominates at Copper Mountain whereas prograde bedding-parallel mineralization, that is mostly stratigraphically controlled, dominates in the area of lower Copper Mountain, Needle Mountain, Needle East, and Copper Brook. High molybdenum grades (up to 0.5% Mo) were locally obtained in both the C Zone and E Zone skarns away from Copper Mountain.

The 2022 to 2024 Osisko Metals drill programs were focused on defining open-pit resources within the Copper Mountain stockwork mineralization ( see May 6, 2024 MRE press release ). Extending the resource model south of Copper Mountain into the poorly-drilled prograde skarn/porcellanite portion of the system subsequently led to a significantly increased resource, mostly in the Inferred category ( see November 14, 2024 MRE press release ).

The current drill program is designed to convert the November 2024 MRE to Measured and Indicated categories, as well as test the expansion of the system deeper into the stratigraphy and laterally to the south and southwest towards Needle East and Needle Mountain respectively. The November 2024 MRE was limited at depth to the base of the L1 skarn horizon (C Zone), and all mineralized intersections below this horizon represent potential depth extensions to the deposit, to be included in the next scheduled MRE update in Q1 2026.

Most holes are being drilled sub-vertically into the altered calcareous stratigraphy that dips 20 to 25 degrees to the north. The L1 (C Zone) the L2 (E Zone) skarn/marble horizons were intersected in most holes, as well as intervening porcellanites that host the bulk of the disseminated copper mineralization.

Table 2: Drill hole locations

DDH No. Azimuth (°) Dip (°) Length (m) UTM E UTM N Elevation
30-1120 0.0 -90.0 1141.0 316225.0 5426398.0 742.5
30-1129 0.0 -90.0 1140.0 316000.0 5426215.0 709.9
30-1133 0.0 -75.0 861.0 315800.0 5426324.0 658.5
30-1134 0.0 -90.0 1008.5 315300.0 5426573.0 547.4
30-1136 0.0 -90.0 681.0 316389.0 5425544.0 563.0
30-1138 358.0 -69.0 783.0 315612.0 5426495.0 583.0
30-1139 0.0 -59.0 951.0 316020.0 5426400.0 744.0
30-1140 0.0 -90.0 936.0 316417.0 5426177.0 682.1


Explanatory note regarding copper-equivalent grades

Copper Equivalent grades are expressed for purposes of simplicity and are calculated taking into account: 1) metal grades; 2) estimated long-term prices of metals: US$4.25/lb copper, $20.00/lb molybdenum, and US$24/oz silver; 3) estimated recoveries of 92%, 70%, and 70% for Cu, Mo, and Ag respectively; and 4) net smelter return value of metals as percentage of the price, estimated at 86.5%, 90.7%, and 75.0% for Cu, Mo, and Ag respectively.

Qualified Person

The scientific and technical content of this news release has been reviewed and approved by Mr. Bernard-Olivier Martel, P. Geo. (OGQ 492), an independent ‘qualified person’ as defined by National Instrument 43-101 – Standards of Disclosure for Mineral Projects (‘NI 43-101’).

Quality Assurance / Quality Control

Mineralized intervals reported herein are calculated using an average 0.12% CuEq lower cut-off over contiguous 20-metre intersections (shorter intervals as the case may be at the upper and lower limits of reported intervals). Intervals of 10 metres or less are not reported unless indicating significantly higher grades .   True widths are estimated at 90 – 92% of the reported core length intervals.

Osisko Metals adheres to a strict QA/QC program for core handling, sampling, sample transportation and analyses, including insertion of blanks and standards in the sample stream. Drill core is drilled in HQ or NQ diameter and securely transported to its core processing facility on site, where it is logged, cut and sampled. Samples selected for assay are sealed and shipped to ALS Canada Ltd.’s preparation facility in Sudbury. Sample preparation details (code PREP-31DH) are available on the ALS Canada website. Pulps are analyzed at the ALS Canada Ltd. facility in North Vancouver, BC. All samples are analyzed by four acid digestion followed by both ICP-AES and ICP-MS for Cu, Mo and Ag.

About Osisko Metals

Osisko Metals Incorporated is a Canadian exploration and development company creating value in the critical metals sector, with a focus on copper and zinc. The Company acquired a 100% interest in the past-producing Gaspé Copper mine from Glencore Canada Corporation in July 2023. The Gaspé Copper mine is located near Murdochville in Québec s Gaspé Peninsula. The Company is currently focused on resource expansion of the Gaspé Copper system, with current Indicated Mineral Resources of 824 Mt averaging 0.34% CuEq and Inferred Mineral Resources of 670 Mt averaging 0.38% CuEq (in compliance with NI 43-101). For more information, see Osisko Metals’ November 14, 2024 news release entitled ‘Osisko Metals Announces Significant Increase in Mineral Resource at Gaspé Copper’. Gaspé Copper hosts the largest undeveloped copper resource in eastern North America, strategically located near existing infrastructure in the mining-friendly province of Québec.

In addition to the Gaspé Copper project, the Company is working with Appian Capital Advisory LLP through the Pine Point Mining Limited joint venture to advance one of Canada s largest past-producing zinc mining camps, the Pine Point project, located in the Northwest Territories. The current mineral resource estimate for the Pine Point project consists of Indicated Mineral Resources of 49.5 Mt averaging 5.52% ZnEq and Inferred Mineral Resources of 8.3 Mt averaging 5.64% ZnEq (in compliance with NI 43-101). For more information, see Osisko Metals June 25, 2024 news release entitled ‘Osisko Metals releases Pine Point mineral resource estimate: 49.5 million tonnes of indicated resources at 5.52% ZnEq’. The Pine Point project is located on the south shore of Great Slave Lake, NWT, close to infrastructure, with paved road access, an electrical substation and 100 kilometres of viable haul roads.

For further information on this news release, visit www.osiskometals.com or contact:

Don Njegovan, President
Email: info@osiskometals.com
Phone: (416) 500-4129

Cautionary Statement on Forward-Looking Information

This news release contains ‘forward-looking information’ within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities legislation based on expectations, estimates and projections as at the date of this news release. Any statement that involves predictions, expectations, interpretations, beliefs, plans, projections, objectives, assumptions, future events or performance (often, but not always, using phrases such as ‘expects’, or ‘does not expect’, ‘is expected’, ‘interpreted’, ‘management’s view’, ‘anticipates’ or ‘does not anticipate’, ‘plans’, ‘budget’, ‘scheduled’, ‘forecasts’, ‘estimates’, ‘potential’, ‘feasibility’, ‘believes’ or ‘intends’ or variations of such words and phrases or stating that certain actions, events or results ‘may’ or ‘could’, ‘would’, ‘might’ or ‘will’ be taken, occur or be achieved) are not statements of historical fact and may be forward-looking information and are intended to identify forward-looking information. This news release contains forward-looking information pertaining to, among other things: the tax treatment of the FT Units; the timing of incurring the Qualifying Expenditures and the renunciation of the Qualifying Expenditures; the ability to advance Gaspé Copper to a construction decision (if at all); the ability to increase the Company’s trading liquidity and enhance its capital markets presence; the potential re-rating of the Company; the ability for the Company to unlock the full potential of its assets and achieve success; the ability for the Company to create value for its shareholders; the advancement of the Pine Point project; the anticipated resource expansion of the Gaspé Copper system and Gaspé Copper hosting the largest undeveloped copper resource in eastern North America.

Forward-looking information is not a guarantee of future performance and is based upon a number of estimates and assumptions of management, in light of management’s experience and perception of trends, current conditions and expected developments, as well as other factors that management believes to be relevant and reasonable in the circumstances, including, without limitation, assumptions about: the ability of exploration results, including drilling, to accurately predict mineralization; errors in geological modelling; insufficient data; equity and debt capital markets; future spot prices of copper and zinc; the timing and results of exploration and drilling programs; the accuracy of mineral resource estimates; production costs; political and regulatory stability; the receipt of governmental and third party approvals; licenses and permits being received on favourable terms; sustained labour stability; stability in financial and capital markets; availability of mining equipment and positive relations with local communities and groups. Forward-looking information involves risks, uncertainties and other factors that could cause actual events, results, performance, prospects and opportunities to differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking information. Factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from such forward-looking information are set out in the Company’s public disclosure record on SEDAR+ (www.sedarplus.ca) under Osisko Metals’ issuer profile. Although the Company believes that the assumptions and factors used in preparing the forward-looking information in this news release are reasonable, undue reliance should not be placed on such information, which only applies as of the date of this news release, and no assurance can be given that such events will occur in the disclosed time frames or at all. The Company disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward- looking information, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, other than as required by law.

Neither the TSX Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Exchange) accept responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this news release. No stock exchange, securities commission, or other regulatory authority has approved or disapproved the information contained herein.

Photos accompanying this announcement are available at:
https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/06cd450e-6dd1-4bb1-9cb3-57f034bdcec9
https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/d0ba7427-cd3f-48be-b979-2deb58625656

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U.S. taxpayers are footing nearly $250 million a year in SNAP benefits spent on fast-food meals across just nine states, most of which are blue states, according to Republican Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst.

Nine states, including Arizona, California, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, New York, Rhode Island and Virginia — all of which are Democrat-run states except for Virginia — are opted into a SNAP program called the Restaurant Meals Program (RMP), which has spent nearly $250 million a year on hot meals, including fast-food, Ernst’s office found. 

The modern day Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program was established in 1964 under the Food Stamps Act to provide basic food needs such as meats and fruits and vegetables to financially vulnerable Americans. Hot foods or foods ready for immediate consumption were not eligible for purchase under the program as its main mission was to provide staple foods to be prepared at home. 

A 1977 loophole, however, allowed states to opt into a program called the Restaurant Meals Program, which was established to allow homeless individuals who do not have a kitchen to purchase prepared meals using SNAP benefits, according to Ernst’s office. The eligibility for the program expanded in the following years to include disabled individuals, the elderly and their spouses, according to the office. 

Nine states are opted into the program, which requires participating restaurants to sign an agreement with the state that is then authorized by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the SNAP program writ large. Restaurants that participate in the program were historically a small group but have since expanded, most notably in California in the Biden era, Ernst’s office said. 

California expanded its program statewide, for example, in 2021 that allowed restaurants to accept CalFresh benefits via SNAP at a swath of top fast-food chains stretching from McDonald’s to Domino’s Pizza to Jack in the Box. 

Ernst’s office found that from June 2023 to May 2025, more than $475 million in taxpayer dollars funded Restaurant Meals Program meals at fast-food establishments. During that same time period, $524 million in taxpayer funds were spent through the Restaurant Meals Program overall, meaning California accounted for more than 90% of the nation’s total Restaurant Meals Program funds from June 2023 to May 2025, according to the office. 

‘The ‘N’ in SNAP stands for nutrition not nuggets with a side of fries,’ Ernst told Fox News Digital. ‘I wish I was McRibbing you but $250 million per year at the drive-through is no joke and a serious waste of tax dollars. I hate to be the one to say McSCUSE ME, but something needs to be done because taxpayers are not lovin’ it.’

The data found that between June 2023 and May 2025 $41.4 million funds went through Restaurant Meals Program in Arizona, $3.6 million in New York, $1.3 million in Michigan, $995,900 in Rhode Island, $649,000 in Massachusetts, $479,000 in Illinois, $308,500 in Virginia and $8,600 in Maryland. 

Ernst’s introduced legislation Thursday, dubbed the McSCUSE ME Act, to rein in the scope of the Restaurant Meals Program. Specifically, the bill would continue allowing homeless, elderly and disabled individuals to continue using the program, but ending spousal eligibility. 

The legislation also would reel in which vendors are able to participate in the program, specifically restricting fast-food vendors in favor of grocery stores that have hot bars to better ensure availability of healthy prepared food options. The legislation would also require states to produce public annual reports showing how many vendors participate in the Restaurant Meals Program, the number of participating beneficiaries and total costs for the program, Fox News Digital learned. 

The report and legislation comes after the U.S. government just emerged from the longest government shutdown in history, at 43 days, that included putting the food assistance program under heightened scrutiny over fraud and concern as recipients saw disruptions to their access. 

Upon the reopening of the government, the Trump administration is requiring all SNAP beneficiaries to reapply for the program in an effort to prevent fraud. 

Federal spending on SNAP overall climbed to record highs under the Biden administration, Fox News Digital previously reported, at $128 billion in 2021 and $127 billion in 2022 during the pandemic. By the Biden administration’s final year, SNAP cost $99.8 billion.

Fox News Digital’s Amanda Macias contributed to this report.


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A U.S. citizen jailed in Saudi Arabia for criticizing the royal family online was freed Wednesday by Saudi authorities, ending a four-year ordeal in the country, according to media reports.

Saad Almadi’s release came just a day after President Donald Trump met with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Washington, D.C., per the New York Post.

Almadi, 75, a retired engineer and U.S. resident since 1976, was detained in 2021 during a family visit to Riyadh and later sentenced to more than 19 years in prison on terrorism charges tied to a series of posts online.

The charges were reduced to cyber crimes, and although he was released from prison in 2023, Almadi was held in the country under an exit ban which prevented him from going back home to the U.S.

The Almadi family issued a statement Wednesday celebrating the good news and thanking Trump.

‘Our family is overjoyed that, after four long years, our father, Saad Almadi, is finally on his way home to the United States!’ they said.

‘This day would not have been possible without President Donald Trump and the tireless efforts of his administration. We are deeply grateful to Dr. Sebastian Gorka and the team at the National Security Council, as well as everyone at the State Department.’

A third portion of the statement expressed appreciation to others who had supported the case over the years.

‘We extend our thanks to the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh for keeping our father safe, and to the nonprofit organizations and members of Congress who fought for his freedom,’ the statement read.

Almadi’s case also drew attention from human rights groups and U.S. lawmakers after he was accused of terrorism over 14 social media posts.

One suggested that a street in Washington be renamed after Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul in 2018.

U.S. pressure to lift Almadi’s exit ban had also intensified since Trump’s May visit to Saudi Arabia.

The president’s national security advisor, Sebastian Gorka, also met with Almadi’s son at the White House.

The Foley Foundation, which advocates for Americans detained overseas, praised the news Wednesday, saying it was ‘so excited’ the family’s fight had finally succeeded.

Per reports, Almadi was flying to the U.S. from Riyadh on Wednesday, according to his family, after Trump and the crown prince set foot on stage at a forum in Washington.

Fox News Digital has reached out to Sebastian Gorka, the Department of State and The White House for comment.


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The modern American right could stand to gain from the insight of Richard M. Weaver. Weaver, a twentieth-century conservative of the Southern tradition, perceived the dangers of radical ideologies as well as the extent to which American thinking offered a viable alternative. Amid the disagreements and controversies of our present moment, today’s various libertarians, conservatives, classical liberals, and others are in need of clear thinking about our own ideas as well as those of our opponents. As such, we might learn from Weaver’s powerful dissections of authoritarianism. 

A key component of Weaver’s philosophy was a recognition of the natural distinctions of individuals within society, what might also be termed “social bond” individualism. As the revolutionary movements of the twentieth century demonstrated through both communism and fascism, the overruling of this human basis was a harbinger of immense danger to the freedom of individuals and the natural order of their civilization. However, Weaver explained how, according to its largely Jeffersonian principles, the American South perceived the threat of these destructive movements sooner and more substantively than other regions.  

In a 1944 essay entitled “The South and the Revolution of Nihilism,” Weaver laid out the reasons why fascism was (and still is) fundamentally opposed to the genuine traditions of American thought and society. He argued that fascism was at its core a revolutionary break with the Enlightenment ideas that had themselves transformed much of the Western world, especially since the French Revolution. Since, in his view, the South never fully entered the French Revolutionary schema of breaking down all social distinctions and “deep-rooted traditions,” fascism was rightly perceived not as a restoration of lost principles, but as societal upheaval.  

Weaver contended that the American South, never having wholly embraced the leveling forces of the Enlightenment, stood rooted in its own history, which it had “learned the hard way.” He depicted the region and its society as being composed of individuals who operated within a unique sense of spontaneous customs and social bonds to one another. Fascism, by contrast, was understood as a movement destructive of society’s natural structure and instead tended towards the “substitution of the formless mass manipulated by a group of Machiavellians.” This distinction meant that fascism was a malignant and incompatible force not to be trifled with or appeased, despite the wishful efforts of many in the West. 

What was really at issue during the Second World War, according to Weaver, was a foundational conflict between traditional arrangements developed from the bottom-up versus regimented structures imposed upon society from the top-down. Centralization meant an alliance between the “mass” and a single dictatorial leader, a stark contrast to the decentralized approach with its roots in local authority and individualism. Seeing fascism as the “extreme proletarian nihilism” that it was, Weaver perceived “that the promise of fascism to restore the ancient virtues is counteracted by this process, and that the denial of an ethical basis for the state means the loss of freedom and humanity.” Despite the fascists’ claims of returning to lost traditions, Weaver and other Southerners understood that the heavily centralized nature of fascist regimes negated the spontaneous orders people develop within society. In essence, fascism may give lip service to traditional social arrangements, but it is at its core revolutionary because it seeks to impose an order, rather than being born out of a pre-existing order. 

Having described fascism as the authoritarian concoction that it was, Weaver likewise held no illusions about the other revolutionary system of the twentieth century, communism. In his excellent 1957 article, “Life Without Prejudice,” Weaver skewered the Marxist tactic of sowing seeds for a Utopia that never blooms. He noted how communists recognized that to implement their own dogmatic vision of the world, they must first clear away the existing society, one pillar at a time. Whether playing upon public resentment about the “existence of rich men,” or “the right to acquire and use property privately,” or some other issue, communists seek to “vilify this as founded upon ‘prejudice.’” It was, in effect, a nihilistic strategy for implementing their own prejudices.  

While the term “prejudice” has lost its regularity in conversation since Weaver’s time, it is not difficult to see the same strategy at play in modern discourse. There are numerous examples in recent years of people being pilloried as “racist,” “sexist,” “homophobic,” “antisemitic,” or various other “prejudices” which supposedly negate argument and justify cancellation or worse. As Weaver made clear, this is the communist deconstruction tactic at work once more. This strategy is crucial for wannabe tyrants, who must first defeat the existing society before ushering in their own manufactured one, imposed from above, much like fascism. They must inspire skepticism about the current order by oversimplifying everything as arising from malicious “prejudices” held by their opponents.   

Instead, Weaver noted the natural role of prejudice, rightly understood, in individual thinking and personality. He explained that not every aspect of an individual’s thoughts and actions could be verified by a mountain of facts or logic. In contrast to the radicals who claimed objective certainty about what’s best for everyone, “The man who frankly confesses to his prejudices is usually more human and more humane. He adjusts amicably to the idea of his limitations. A limitation once admitted is a kind of monition not to try acting like something superhuman. The person who admits his prejudices, which is to say his unreasoned judgments, has a perspective on himself.” This perception is a meaningful counter to the moral framework of communism because it elevates humility above ideological presumption; it is an endorsement of genuine principles over presuppositions.  

Ultimately, Richard Weaver presented insightful arguments for rejecting the devastating radicalisms of his era. It would stand to reason, then, that in our own uneasy era we too could gain by understanding the alternative he championed. 

To reject the upheavals offered by communism and fascism, the American right must instead reinforce its principles by embracing its vast intellectual tradition. We can reaffirm our commitments to liberty and order while so many others give way to the siren songs of centralized collectivism, whether fascist, communist, or otherwise. The stringencies of ideology ultimately impair our sense of humanity and can justify disastrous outcomes, as the history of the twentieth century attests. As Weaver put it, we must recognize that schemes for “a life without prejudice” are as inhuman and destructive as the life pursued strictly for the “satisfaction of physical man.” 

What kind of goods and experiences comprise a “normal life”? In 1900, Henry George thought millionaires lived abnormally because they had telephones in their bedrooms. Looking back, it’s remarkable how quickly the abnormal becomes ordinary. Today, even the poorest people — not only in rich countries but also in developing ones — carry a phone (which does much more than ring) in their pocket.

From Luxuries to Necessities 

That’s one of the miracles of the free market. French sociologist Gabriel Tarde noticed that forks and spoons were once luxuries reserved for the elite, but by his time had become universal. Ludwig von Mises drew inspiration from Tarde’s insight, calling it one of capitalism’s greatest virtues: the transformation of luxuries into necessities. “What was once a luxury becomes in the course of time a necessity,” he wrote. In Mises’s view, this is the inherent tendency of capitalism — to shorten that time lag and make the luxurious accessible to the masses. One might add that in socialist economies, the opposite happens: necessities become luxuries.

But this transformation is only possible through freedom — the freedom of consumers to experiment with new products, and of producers to innovate and take risks. On the supply side, the liberty of entrepreneurs and capitalists to test new methods of production — even when those methods appear “unjust” or “wasteful” at first — opens the door for millions to enjoy the fruits of innovation. As F. A. Hayek put it, capitalism enables “experimentation with a style of living that will eventually be available to many.”

Yet supply is only half the story. Consumers play an equally vital role. Mises called capitalism the sovereignty of the consumers. And yet, in recent years, a “war on consumers” has emerged from both the left and the right.

The War on Consumers

Five months ago, Donald Trump, defending his trade war with China, remarked, “Maybe the children will have two dolls instead of thirty dolls.” On the other side, Bernie Sanders has declared that we “don’t need 23 choices of deodorant or 18 choices of sneakers when kids are going hungry.” 

In both cases, ordinary consumers — those walking through Walmart comparing groceries or choosing between brands — are portrayed as the problem. “Why do you need thirty dolls?” they ask. “Why twenty-three deodorants?”

This disdain for consumer choice has deep intellectual roots — not just in populist rhetoric but in academia. From Thorstein Veblen’s theory of conspicuous consumption to John Kenneth Galbraith’s The Affluent Society, many thinkers have looked down on consumer tastes. Galbraith once dismissed American cars as “big, ungainly, [and] unfunctional.” But ugly by whose standard? Dysfunctional according to what measure? The essence of the free market is that consumers decide for themselves — and the normative defense of this system is straightforward: individuals know their own interests better than any politician or professor.

Critics — from Veblen to Marxists who claim capitalists “manufacture” desires — forget what liberal economists understood well: that consumption in a modern economy is not merely about survival, but experience. We don’t just buy things to use them; we buy them to experience them. Marketing, far from being pure manipulation, is part of that experience. Buying a perfume endorsed by your favorite celebrity is not just about smelling pleasant — it’s about identity, aspiration, and emotion. Because preferences are subjective, it’s meaningless to draw a hard line between “needs” and “wants.” Who could have predicted that humanity “needed” airplanes or automobiles before they existed?

Through trial and error, consumers discover what they value. There is no objective measure of “need.” In fact, the unpredictability of human desire is itself a defense of the free market: we need its discovery process to learn what tomorrow’s needs will be. What looks like frivolous consumption today often becomes the gateway for widespread prosperity tomorrow.

Critics of marketing also ignore basic business logic. Which is easier for a firm: to spend vast sums inventing a new “need” and then developing a product for it, or simply to observe what people already want and produce accordingly? The latter is common sense. Marketing’s informative function is often overlooked; if it were purely deceptive, businesses would have little incentive to rely on it. Real profits come from loyal, long-term customers — something deception cannot buy.

As the economist Stanley Lebergott once wrote, “It is an unacknowledged excellence of modern economics that its foundations are pitched on the sands of human desire.” Modern economies achieve miracles not through the commands of kings or planners, but through individuals pursuing their own interests — and that is a virtue, not a sin. 

This “unacknowledged excellence” is the moral beauty of the liberal market order: where consumers are free to choose, society has no forced mission — and yet it prospers precisely because of that freedom.

Elliott Investment Management has reportedly taken a large stake in Barrick Mining (TSX:ABX,NYSE:B), the Financial Times reported on Tuesday (November 18), adding activist pressure to the gold producer, which is already dealing with escalating operational problems and a leadership shakeup.

The moves comes just weeks after the abrupt September exit of former CEO Mark Bristow, and as Barrick’s new chief executive, Mark Hill, begins overhauling the company’s regional structure.

In an internal memo seen by Bloomberg, Hill said Barrick will fold its Pueblo Viejo mine in the Dominican Republic into its North American division and merge its Latin America and Asia Pacific operations to improve performance.

Elliott’s investment also comes during a challenging phase for Barrick.

The company has been hit by rising costs at key North American assets and the loss of its most profitable operation, the Loulo-Gounkoto mine in Mali, after the military junta seized control earlier this year.

The dispute, which was tied to Mali’s new mining tax code, resulted in 3 metric tons of gold being taken by the state and the detention of four Barrick employees. The asset loss also triggered a roughly US$1 billion writeoff.

The setbacks have left Barrick trailing behind its peers despite a powerful gold price rally. Company shares are up 117 percent in the past year, compared with an average 130 percent gain among major rivals.

Barrick’s performance has company executives weighing their options.

As mentioned, a split into two companies is being considered. Four people told Reuters that this could involve one firm focused on North America and another holding assets in Africa and Asia. Another option would involve selling Barrick’s Africa portfolio outright, along with the Reko Diq project in Pakistan once financing is secured.

Barrick is also trying to resolve its dispute with Mali before pursuing a sale of that operation.

Investors have pushed similar ideas before, but were stifled due to the company’s North American footprint.

The company’s core US asset is Nevada Gold Mines, which it operates in partnership with Newmont (NYSE:NEM,ASX:NEM), and the sentiment has been that “there is not much of value” in Barrick’s remaining mines.

Bloomberg reported last month that Newmont was looking at whether a transaction could give it control of the Nevada operations it shares with Barrick, but discussions have not advanced since then.

Elliott, meanwhile, has a long record of targeting miners, including Anglo American (LSE:AAL,OTCQX:AAUKF) and Kinross Gold (TSX:K,NYSE:KGC), and often pushes for structural changes.

For Barrick, the challenge now is stabilizing its operations, while deciding how far to go with strategic restructuring in today’s historically high gold price environment.

Securities Disclosure: I, Giann Liguid, hold no direct investment interest in any company mentioned in this article.

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Gina Rinehart, owner and CEO of private Australian mining company Hancock Prospecting, has become the largest shareholder of rare earths company MP Materials (NYSE:MP).

Rinehart’s stake in MP, which she owns via Hancock, now stands at 8.4 percent.

According to Bloomberg, Hancock added 1 million shares to its MP position in the third quarter. After MP’s share price doubled during the period, it became the top holding in Hancock’s portfolio.

MP owns and runs the Mountain Pass rare earths mine in San Bernardino County, California. The mine was revived by MP in 2017 and achieved first rare earths concentrate production in 2018.

In 2024, the company produced a record 45,455 metric tons of rare earth oxides in concentrate, as well as 1,294 metric tons of neodymium-praeseodymium (NdPr) oxide, also a record amount.

Mountain Pass is currently the only operating rare earths mine in the US, and is gaining attention as the US seeks to establish a rare earths supply chain outside of China. In July, the US Department of Defense (DoD) agreed to buy US$400 million worth of preferred stock in the company, a move that MP called a ‘transformational public-private partnership.’

On Wednesday (November 19), MP deepened its DoD relationship with a partnership to establish a joint venture with Saudi Arabian Mining Company (Maaden); together they will develop a rare earths refinery in Saudi Arabia.

‘This agreement will be beneficial to MP and our industry, and it further aligns U.S. and Saudi interests,’ said James Litinsky, MP’s founder, chair and CEO, in a press release shared by the company that day.

‘The formation of the joint venture also underscores MP Materials’ role as an American national champion, and it demonstrates how our fully integrated platform can project U.S. industrial capability abroad.’

Earlier this year, the Trump administration said Dateline Resources’ (ASX:DTR,OTCQB:DTREF) Colosseum mine, located 10 kilometres from Mountain Pass, could continue operations under its existing mine plan.

A bankable feasibility study is currently being completed for Colosseum, and is due for completion in early 2026.

Rinehart’s rare earths investments

Rinehart is the wealthiest person in Australia, holding a net worth of US$23.9 billion.

According to Forbes’ 100 billionaires list, she was the 61st richest person globally as of March 7, 2025.

Besides MP, she is also the largest shareholder of Arafura Rare Earths (ASX:ARU,OTC Pink:ARAFF), with Hancock’s first investment in that company tracing back to December 2022.

On October 29, Arafura said it was conducting a AU$475 million financing to further advance its Nolans project. Nolans is expected to eventually supply approximately 4 percent of the world’s NdPr oxide.

Arafura said Hancock committed AU$125 million to the placement, bringing its stake in the firm to 15.7 percent.

Hancock also holds an interest in Lynas Rare Earths (ASX:LYC,OTCQX:LYSDY), with Rinehart raising her stake in the company to 8.21 percent in January via the purchase of about 10 million shares.

In 2023, Hancock Prospecting was reported to back Brazilian Rare Earths (ASX:BRE,OTCQX:BRELY) before it went public, taking a 5.85 percent stake. Brazilian Rare Earths listed on the ASX in December 2023.

Through Hancock, Rinehart also holds investments in lithium, copper and many more commodities. Click here to read about her mining investments and work in the sector.

Securities Disclosure: I, Gabrielle de la Cruz, hold no direct investment interest in any company mentioned in this article.

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Brightstar Resources Limited (ASX: BTR) (Brightstar or Company) provides the following update on the proposed acquisition of 100% of the fully paid ordinary shares and options in Aurumin Limited (Aurumin) by Brightstar by way of Court-approved share scheme of arrangement (Share Scheme) and option scheme of arrangement (Option Scheme, together the Schemes) under Part 5.1 of the Corporations Act 2001 (Cth).

Unless otherwise specified, capitalised terms used in this announcement have the same meaning as given in Aurumin’s Scheme Booklet dated 9 October 2025 (Scheme Booklet).

RESULTS OF THE SECOND COURT HEARING

Brightstar is pleased to announce that the Supreme Court of Western Australia (Court) has made orders approving the Schemes under which Brightstar will acquire 100% of the shares of Aurumin and all Aurumin options will be cancelled in exchange for new Brightstar options.

Aurumin intends to lodge an office copy of the Court’s orders with the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) on Friday, 21 November 2025, at which time the Schemes will become legally effective. Aurumin expects that the ASX will suspend Aurumin shares from trading on the ASX with effect from the close of trading on Friday, 21 November 2025.

SANDSTONE PROJECT UPDATE

  • Brightstar and Aurumin currently have six drilling rigs operating in Sandstone, targeting material Mineral Resource Estimate (MRE) growth and infill drilling key deposits to enable an increase in confidence classification
  • Post implementation, the consolidated MRE at Sandstone increases to 2.4Moz @ 1.5g/t Au (pro forma basis with Aurumin)1, with the group total MRE increasing to 3.9Moz @ 1.5g/t Au
  • A Mineral Resource upgrade for Sandstone is targeted for release in 1H CY26 following significant exploration drilling over the past 12 months (+70,000m completed to date)
  • Workstreams proceed on the consolidated Pre-Feasibility Study, with mining engineering, metallurgical, geotechnical, approvals and permitting activities continuing apace to fast-track the eventual development of the Sandstone Gold Project (targeted for FID in 2H CY27)
  • The successful development of Sandstone, in conjunction with the near-term production expansion of Brightstar’s Menzies-Laverton asset base, underpins Brightstar’s aspirational production target of +200,000oz pa.

Brightstar’s Managing Director, Alex Rovira, commented:

“We are delighted to see the overwhelming support from Aurumin securityholders for the Schemes. This is the first time in over a decade the Sandstone Greenstone Belt has been consolidated under one ownership, with production last occurring in Sandstone when the gold price was less than A$1,000/oz.

Despite the limited systematic exploration history as a result of the fragmented ownership, upon completion of the Schemes, Brightstar will emerge with a Mineral Resource of approximately 2.4Moz @ 1.5g/t at the Sandstone Gold Project that is largely constrained within the top 150m from surface. Notably, we see significant potential for Mineral Resource growth following the ~70,000m of drilling already completed in Sandstone by Brightstar, with a targeted ~120,000m of drilling planned for completion prior to the Pre- Feasibility Study targeted for release in mid-2026.

In our view, the Sandstone district potentially represents one of the largest undeveloped gold projects in the WA goldfields in the hands of a junior/emerging company, with the potential for a multi-decade mine life across both open pit and underground operations.

The development of our Menzies, Laverton, and Sandstone Gold Projects is central to delivering on our vision and positioning Brightstar as an emerging mid-tier Western Australian gold producer.”


Click here for the full ASX Release

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The House of Representatives unanimously voted against a provision that allows Republican senators whose phone records were seized by former Special Counsel Jack Smith to sue the federal government.

The provision was included in the recently passed bill to end the 43-day government shutdown, which President Donald Trump signed into law last week.

Despite supporters saying the provision is necessary to give senators recourse when the executive branch oversteps its constitutional bounds and reaches into congressional communications, the last-minute inclusion of the measure outraged both Republicans and Democrats, underscoring the ever-present tensions between the House and Senate.

The repeal passed 426 to 0, with 210 Democrats and 216 Republicans in the tally.

Dubbed ‘Requiring Senate Notification for Senate Data,’ the provision would allow senators directly targeted in former special counsel Jack Smith’s Arctic Frost investigation to sue the U.S. government for up to $500,000.

House Appropriations Committee Chairman Tom Cole, R-Okla., who was involved in crafting part of the successful funding deal, told Fox News Digital he had even been afraid it could derail the final vote to end the shutdown.

‘It had been added in the Senate without our knowledge,’ Cole said. ‘It was a real trust factor … I mean, all of a sudden, this pops up in the bill, and we’re confronted with either: leave this in here, or we pull it out, we have to go to conference, and the government doesn’t get reopened.’

It was placed into the bill by Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., and given the green light by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., sources confirmed to Fox News Digital last week.

Thune put the provision into the bill at the request of members of the Senate GOP, a source familiar with the negotiations told Fox News Digital, which included Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas. 

It was a big point of contention when the House Rules Committee met to prepare the legislation for a final vote last Tuesday night. Reps. Chip Roy, R-Texas, Austin Scott, R-Ga., and Morgan Griffith, R-Va., all shared House Democrats’ frustration with the measure, but they made clear it would not stand in the way of ending what had become the longest shutdown in history.

Even Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., appeared blindsided by the move.

‘I had no prior notice of it at all,’ Johnson told reporters last week. ‘I was frustrated, as my colleagues are over here, and I thought it was untimely and inappropriate. So we’ll be requesting, strongly urging, our Senate colleagues to repeal that.’

Those Republicans agreed with the motivations behind their Senate counterparts wanting to sue but bristled over the notion that it would come at the expense of U.S. taxpayers.

Rep. John Rose, R-Tenn., told Fox News Digital the senators ‘have been wronged, no doubt in my mind’ but added its scope was too narrow.

‘This provision does not allow other Americans to pursue a remedy. It does not even allow the President of the United States, who was equally wrongfully surveilled and pursued by the Justice Department — they didn’t even include President Trump in this,’ Rose said.

And while several senators who would be eligible for the taxpayer-funded lawsuits have distanced themselves from the issue amid uproar, others have stuck to their guns.

‘My phone records were seized. I’m not going to put up with this crap. I’m going to sue,’ Graham said on ‘Hannity’ Tuesday night. He said he would be seeking ‘tens of millions of dollars.’

Cruz also told Fox News Digital that he did not support repealing the provision.

And Sen. Pete Ricketts, R-Neb., defended the provision in comments to Politico. 

‘I’d like for us to be able to defend our branch when DOJ gets out of control,’ he said.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., similarly suggested to reporters on Wednesday that he was in favor of the measure.

‘I would just say, I mean, you have an independent, co-equal branch of government whose members were, through illegal means, having their phone records acquired — spied on, if you will, through a weaponized Biden Justice Department,’ Thune said. ‘That, to me, demands some accountability.’

He added, ‘I think that in the end, this is something that all members of Congress, both House and Senate, are probably going to want as a protection, and we were thinking about the institution of the Senate and individual senators going into the future.’


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A bid by Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., to force a censure of her fellow House Republican and remove his committee assignments failed on Wednesday night.

Mace introduced a censure resolution against Rep. Cory Mills, R-Fla., earlier in the day, accusing him of stolen valor among other alleged improprieties.

Mills rose in his own defense on Wednesday night to call for a vote to refer the measure to the House Ethics Committee and deny her accusations.

His counter-effort succeeded, with the House voting 310-103 to send the matter to the ethics panel — effectively squashing Mace’s effort for an immediate punishment.

Seven House Republicans voted alongside Mace to move the censure vote forward. They are Reps. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., Kat Cammack, R-Fla., Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., Harriet Hageman, R-Wyo., Tim Burchett, R-Tenn., and Joe Wilson, R-S.C.

The 310 lawmakers who voted against Mace’s move included both Democrats and Republicans.

Twelve lawmakers, including members of the House Ethics Committee, voted ‘present.’

Mace introduced the censure as a privileged resolution, a mechanism aimed at forcing House GOP leaders to reckon with a piece of legislation in the immediate future.

The resolution accused Mills of a wide variety of improprieties, including misrepresenting his military service and working as a private military contractor while serving as a member of Congress. 

She also cited several media reports alleging Mills assaulted past romantic partners while being accused of threatening another woman he was also reportedly involved with. Mills previously denied those allegations.

In addition to censuring him, Mace’s resolution would have also removed Mills from his roles on the House Foreign Affairs Committee and House Armed Services Committee if successful.

Hours before the vote, however, the House Ethics Committee announced it would open an investigation into Mills via a new subcommittee — a move Mace criticized as an effort to neuter her push.

‘This is a naked attempt to kill my resolution to censure Rep. Cory Mills. Common sense tells us we don’t need an investigative subcommittee to decide if Cory Mills, who a Court found to be an immediate and present danger of committing dating violence against a woman, should serve on committees related to national security. Or the testimony of soldiers and the stolen valor,’ Mace said.

Notably, however, the House Ethics Committee is the traditional first step when lawmakers are accused of impropriety.

It comes after House Democrats threatened to pursue a retaliatory censure against Mills Tuesday evening in response to Republicans trying to censure Del. Stacey Plaskett, D-V.I., the Virgin Islands’ nonvoting representative in the House, over her ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

The Plaskett censure failed after three House Republicans voted ‘no’ and three more voted ‘present,’ however, along with every Democrat rejecting the measure. Democrats did not appear to pursue the censure against Mills after that.

Mace had accused Mills of participating in a ‘backroom deal’ at the time to avoid a censure, adding, ‘I have the General who ‘recommended’ him for the Bronze Star on record saying he never wrote it, never read it and never personally signed it.’

Mills’ office told Fox News Digital there was never a deal, however, and had expected his censure to move forward on Tuesday night. He also voted in favor of censuring Plaskett.

Mace introduced her resolution after sending a letter to Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., on Wednesday accusing Mills of ‘credible accusations he misrepresented his military service’ and ‘credible accusations of having committed crimes against women.’

Mills has previously denied wrongdoing in reports of both sets of allegations.

He also criticized the move in a statement to Fox News Digital.

‘Congresswoman Nancy Mace’s latest stunt is a politically motivated attempt to grab headlines and settle personal scores. The American people deserve better than fabricated accusations and theatrics at a time when Republicans should be focused on governing,’ Mills said.

‘The claims on my valor that she’s pushing are baseless, recycled, and already publicly disproven. I fully deny them, just as I always have. This is not oversight, it’s attention-seeking dressed up as accountability.’


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