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When asked last month at the European Central Bank’s annual forum in Portugal whether the Fed would have cut interest rates if not for the tariffs, Fed Chair Jerome Powell affirmed that was indeed the case. He explained that the Fed chose to pause its rate-cutting cycle in light of the tariffs’ magnitude, opting to wait and see how the trade-policy uncertainty would affect the economy before adjusting policy further.

While such an approach may seem prudent amid the uncertainty surrounding trade policy, it reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of how monetary policy works. If tariffs end up reducing productivity, they will also depress the neutral rate of interest — that is, the rate consistent with full employment and stable prices. And if the neutral rate falls while the Fed holds its policy rate steady, the central bank has, in effect, tightened monetary policy despite taking no overt action.

With the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) expected to hold rates steady at today’s meeting, it’s worth asking why the Fed cannot afford a wait-and-see approach — and why it shouldn’t attempt to offset tariff-induced price pressures in the first place.

The neutral interest rate depends in part on investment demand, which itself is closely tied to productivity growth. When firms expect productivity to rise, they’re more willing to invest in new capital projects, raising the demand for loanable funds and, with it, the neutral rate. But when productivity prospects dim — as they often do in the face of trade uncertainty: higher input costs, reduced access to more efficient foreign suppliers, and resource misallocation driven by protectionist policies — investment demand falls, dragging the neutral rate down with it.

In order for monetary policy to remain on track, the Fed must adjust its policy rate when the neutral rate changes. For example, if tariffs are pulling the neutral rate lower, then the appropriate course of action is for the Fed to cut its policy rate. By contrast, if the Fed holds the policy rate constant, as it has since December, and the neutral rate is indeed falling, then the Fed is passively tightening monetary policy. In short, the Fed’s wait-and-see approach is anything but.

To see why, suppose the neutral rate falls from 4 percent to 2 percent but the Fed holds its policy rate constant at 4 percent. In that case, the real — that is, inflation-adjusted — interest rate will exceed the neutral rate, making monetary policy contractionary. This occurs even though the Fed has, in some sense, “done nothing.” But holding rates steady amid a falling neutral rate is a policy choice, and one with real consequences — namely, slower growth.

One way to assess whether monetary policy is appropriately calibrated is to compare the current policy rate to a benchmark of where it ought to be. A commonly used benchmark is the Taylor Rule, named after economist John Taylor. The rule incorporates the current inflation rate, the Fed’s inflation target, the output gap, and an estimate of the neutral interest rate to generate a recommended policy rate.

The Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta publishes a range of Taylor Rule estimates that incorporate different measures of inflation, output gaps, and neutral interest rates. Notably, two of the three versions currently suggest that the federal funds rate is too high — implying that monetary policy is contractionary, even though the Fed hasn’t raised rates in several months.

To be sure, estimating the neutral rate is notoriously difficult, since it is not directly observable. But the weight of evidence suggests that, regardless of Powell’s intentions, the Fed’s inaction is having a contractionary effect.

At a more fundamental level, the Fed should not be responding to tariffs, even if they push prices higher. The reason is straightforward: while the Fed can influence the demand side of the economy, it has little control over the supply side — where tariffs primarily operate. Responding to supply-driven price fluctuations risks compounding the problem rather than solving it, especially if tighter policy suppresses demand in an already constrained economy.

The Federal Open Market Committee will likely hold its policy rate steady at today’s meeting. But if trade policy is indeed exerting a drag on productivity and investment, then standing pat will amount to passive tightening. In short, when the neutral rate falls, doing nothing is not a neutral act — it’s a contractionary one.

President Donald Trump said on Tuesday he may skip the G20 summit in South Africa in November over the nation’s ‘very bad policies,’ and instead send someone else to represent the United States.

Trump made the remarks aboard Air Force One in response to a reporter’s question as he returned from a trip to Scotland, where the president achieved a massive trade deal with the European Union.

‘I think maybe I’ll send somebody else because I’ve had a lot of problems with South Africa,’ Trump said. ‘They have some very bad policies.’

‘Very, very bad policies, like policies where people are being killed,’ Trump added.

In May, Trump confronted South African President Cyril Ramaphosa at the White House with news clippings and a video allegedly showing grave treatment of White farmers.

Trump has claimed that White Afrikaner South African farmers are being slaughtered and forced off their land. The Afrikaners are descendants of mostly Dutch settlers who first arrived in South Africa in 1652. 

South Africa and its president have denied claims of genocide and harassment. 

Secretary of State Marco Rubio already boycotted a G20 foreign ministers’ meeting in South Africa earlier this year over the government’s controversial land seizure policy.

Both the Trump and former Biden administrations have also criticized South Africa after the nation accused Israel of genocide in Gaza and brought a case to the International Court of Justice.

Fox News Digital’s Greg Norman contributed to this report.


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Longtime Democratic operative Steve Ricchetti is appearing before House investigators on Wednesday, the seventh former White House aide to be summoned for Oversight Committee Chairman James Comer’s probe.

Ricchetti most recently served as counselor to President Joe Biden during the vast majority of the Biden White House’s four-year term.

He’s now expected to sit down with House Oversight Committee staff for a closed-door transcribed interview that could last several hours.

Comer, R-Ky., is investigating whether Biden’s top White House aides concealed signs of mental decline in the president, and if that meant executive actions were signed via autopen without his knowledge.

Ricchetti first began working for Biden in 2012, when he was appointed as counselor to the vice president during the Obama administration. He was soon promoted to Biden’s chief of staff in late 2013.

Ricchetti, who made a living as both a lobbyist and a Democratic insider, chaired Biden’s 2020 presidential campaign as well.

The committee’s interest in him, however, lies in his alleged key role in managing the White House while aides reportedly worked to obscure signs of the president’s mental decline.

‘As Counselor to former President Biden, you served as one of his closest advisors. According to a report, you were part of a group of insiders who implemented a strategy to minimize ‘the president’s age-related struggles,’’ Comer wrote to Ricchetti in June, referencing a Wall Street Journal report.

‘The scope and details of that strategy cannot go without investigation. If White House staff carried out a strategy lasting months or even years to hide the chief executive’s condition—or to perform his duties—Congress may need to consider a legislative response.’

Axios reporter Alex Thompson, who co-wrote ‘Original Sin’ with CNN host Jake Tapper about Biden’s cognitive decline and his aides’ alleged attempts to cover it up, told PBS program Washington Week earlier this year that Ricchetti was part of a small group of insiders that some dubbed Biden’s ‘Politburo.’

He also played a key role in Biden’s legislative agenda, most notably as one of the Democratic negotiators working with then-House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., to avoid a full-blown fiscal crisis over the U.S. national debt in early 2023.

It comes after another close former aide, former White House Chief of Staff Ronald Klain, appeared before investigators for his own transcribed interview last week.

Like Klain, Ricchetti is appearing on voluntary terms—the fourth former Biden aide to do so.

Three of the previous six Biden administration officials who appeared before the House Oversight Committee did so under subpoena. Former White House physician Kevin O’Connor, as well as former advisers Annie Tomasini and Anthony Bernal, all pleaded the Fifth Amendment during their compulsory sit-downs.

But the three voluntary transcribed interviews that have occurred so far have lasted more than five hours, as staff for both Democrats and Republicans take turns in rounds of questioning.


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Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., has called on the FBI to conduct a counterintelligence threat assessment on the Jeffrey Epstein files.

Schumer said on the Senate floor on Tuesday that the FBI assessment should accomplish three things: determine if foreign intelligence agencies could gain access to the information ‘the president does not want to release in the Epstein files, through methods that include cyber intrusion;’ identify any vulnerabilities that could be exploited by foreign intelligence agencies with access to non-public information in the Epstein files, ‘including being able to gain leverage over Donald Trump, his family, or other senior government officials;’ and result in the FBI publicly showing that the bureau is ‘developing mitigation strategies to counter these threats and safeguard our national security.’ 

At his weekly Democratic leadership press conference afterward, Schumer condemned what he categorized as the Epstein ‘cover-up,’ further taking aim at President Donald Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La.

‘Trump promised he’d release the Epstein files while he was on the campaign trail, yet he has yet to do it,’ Schumer told reporters. ‘Speaker Johnson quite literally preferred to shut down Congress, sending everyone home on an Epstein recess to avoid the topic. Americans are right to be angry over the lack of transparency, but there are also some very real questions about risks to national security.’

‘Given Trump’s total about-face on releasing files and given what we know from the FBI whistleblowers, it’s natural to ask, what happens if our adversaries use cyberattacks and other means to access files and materials into Epstein that are damaging or worse for President Trump and or those around him?’ Schumer continued. ‘What happens if the Epstein files end up in the hands of Russia or North Korea, or Chinese governments? Unless the Epstein files are fully released to the public, could our adversaries use that, Epstein, to use that information to blackmail someone like the president? 

Last Thursday, Schumer noted, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Health and Human Services were among several government agencies hacked as part of a breach to Microsoft SharePoint system. 

‘This was confirmed that it was Chinese actors. So we don’t need this happening again,’ Schumer said. ‘We have to ensure that it can’t happen. National security is not and should never be a partisan issue. We need to do everything we can to make sure we protecting the U.S. and American families. This report is vital in doing that. Beyond that, there is one more thing Donald Trump could do to quell people’s anger, confusion, frustration, and/or deep fears. That is, release the files.’ 

Last week, Johnson ended the House legislative session a day early, averting a potential vote on a resolution by Reps. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., and Ro Khanna, D-Calif., that would have compelled the Justice Department and the FBI to release the Epstein files. Johnson asserted on Sunday that House Republicans supported ‘maximum disclosure’ but argued that the resolution was ‘reckless’ and poorly drafted, arguing that it ignored federal rules protecting grand jury materials and ‘would require the DOJ and FBI to release information that they know is false, that is based on lies and rumors and was not even credible enough to be entered into the court proceedings.’ 

Johnson said he supported the Trump administration’s stance that ‘all credible evidence and information’ be released, but emphasized the need for safeguards to protect victims’ identities.

During a bilateral meeting with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Scotland on Monday, Trump was asked why he kicked Epstein out of his Mar-a-Lago club in West Palm Beach, Florida, years ago. 

‘That’s such old history. Very easy to explain, but I don’t want to waste your time by explaining it. But for years, I wouldn’t talk to Jeffrey Epstein. I wouldn’t talk because he did something that was inappropriate,’ Trump told reporters. ‘He hired help, and I said, ‘Don’t ever do that again.’ He stole people that worked for me. I said, ‘Don’t ever do that again.’ He did it again, and I threw him out of the place, persona non grata. I threw him out and that was it.’ 

Trump said he turned down an invitation to Epstein’s notorious island in the Caribbean and claimed former President Bill Clinton and former Harvard University President Larry Summers had gone. 

‘I never went to the island and Bill Clinton went there, supposedly 28 times. I never went to the island, but Larry Summers, I hear, went there. He was the head of Harvard and many other people that are very big people. Nobody ever talks about them,’ Trump said. ‘I never had the privilege of going to his island. And I did turn it down. But a lot of people in Palm Beach were invited to his island. In one of my very good moments, I turned it down.’ 

Fox News’ Tyler Olson contributed to this report.


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From Gaza to Greenland, French President Emmanuel Macron appears to be taking increasingly bolder diplomatic stabs at President Donald Trump’s foreign policy even though such gestures don’t ‘carry weight’ as Trump pointed out last week after the French leader declared his intention to recognize a Palestinian state.

‘French Presidents from Charles de Gaulle onwards have reveled in the idea that they are a natural counterweight to U.S. foreign policy on the international stage,’ Alan Mendoza, executive director of the U.K.-based Henry Jackson Society, told Fox News Digital Monday.

Charles de Gaulle was France’s long-serving leader in the 1950s and 1960s and was famously resistant to U.S. global dominance, withdrawing his country from NATO’s military command structure in a bid to increase its military independence and criticizing U.S. policies in Eastern Europe and Vietnam.

Such contrarian actions, Mendoza said, ‘have in many ways defined the French Fifth Republic, with larger-than-life characters thrusting their views onto the world stage.

‘The difference now is that France matters far less globally than it did 60 years ago,’ he said, adding that a weakening of the European country’s economy and its military might ‘means that where once de Gaulle could roar, now Macron whimpers.’ 

‘What was once a sign of French strength and confidence now therefore looks more like a desperate attempt to escape irrelevance,’ said Mendoza.

In a dramatic announcement last week, Macron said that at the United Nations General Assembly in September France intends to declare its recognition of a Palestinian state, even as Palestinian terror groups continue to battle Israel in the Gaza Strip. 

The statement drew condemnation from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who said such a move ‘rewards terror.’ 

It was also criticized by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who called the decision ‘reckless’ and ‘a slap in the face to the victims of October 7th.’ He said the U.S. strongly rejected such a plan. 

Trump merely dismissed Macron’s Gaza move, telling reporters at the White House Friday ‘what he says doesn’t matter.’ 

‘He’s a very good guy. I like him, but that statement doesn’t carry weight,’ the president said.

This is not the first time the president has discounted Macron as inconsequential.

Last month, after the French president speculated about Trump’s reasons for leaving the G7 summit in Canada early and returning to Washington, the president wrote on his Truth Social platform, ‘Wrong! He has no idea why I am now on my way to Washington, but it certainly has nothing to do with a Cease Fire. Much bigger than that. Whether purposely or not, Emmanuel always gets it wrong. Stay Tuned!’ 

In the same post, Trump said Macron was ‘publicity seeking.’ 

The disparaging comments came after Macron directly contradicted Trump’s foreign policy by stopping on his way to the summit in the semi-autonomous Arctic territory of Greenland, which Trump has said he wishes to acquire. 

‘Greenland is not to be sold, not to be taken,’ Macron declared in a diplomatic stab at Trump’s foreign policy and seemingly an attempt to rally support from other European countries to stand up to the U.S. 

Asked about Trump’s ambitions for Greenland, Macron, according to Reuters, said, ‘I don’t think that’s what allies do. …  It’s important that Denmark and the Europeans commit themselves to this territory, which has very high strategic stakes and whose territorial integrity must be respected.’

In February, the French president paid his first visit to the White House since Trump’s return to power, and while the meeting appeared to be warm, it also came amid tension over the U.S. approach to the Russia-Ukraine war.

Hours before the meeting, the U.S. voted against a United Nations resolution drafted by Ukraine and the European Union condemning Russia for its invasion.

Tensions between Macron and Trump are not personal, said Mendoza, but they are also not totally ideological. 

They stem from Macron’s ‘desire to be relevant and to stand for something,’ he said. ‘The French are famous contrarians, but they do it for the sake of being contrarian.’

Reuel Marc Gerecht, a resident scholar at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the Washington, D.C., think tank, said Macron was no ‘different from most European leaders. … Trump just isn’t their cup of tea.’

‘Most view Trump as a convulsive, hostile force who views America’s historic relationship with Europe as transactional,’ he said.  

‘Macron, like most French leaders, defines himself in part against the U.S.,’ Gerecht added, explaining that, traditionally, France and America ‘had a ‘mission civilisatrice’ or a competitive enlightenment mission.’ 

‘The American way has been enormously appealing in Europe since World War II, but it has come in part at the expense of the French, who have culturally lost a lot of ground to the Anglophones, especially the Americans,’ he said. ‘Consequently, many Frenchmen have a love-hate relationship with the U.S.’   

On Macron, Gerecht added, ‘He is part of the French elite. They are a bright lot who punch way above their weight, but, educationally, temperamentally, they are nearly the opposite of Trump.’ 


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A few centuries ago, Europe was the beating heart of global innovation. From the Enlightenment’s embrace of reason to the Industrial Revolution’s transformative power, it was a hub of bold thinkers, inventors, and entrepreneurs pushing boundaries. 

Today, that spirit has faded. Europe no longer leads technological innovation — not due to a lack of talent or scientific exploration, but because of a deeper issue: an overly restrictive regulatory environment. While the US advances rapidly in AI, biotech, and space, and China heavily invests in deep tech, Europe remains tangled in bureaucracy, risk aversion, and a rigid application of the precautionary principle — prioritizing control over creativity and caution over progress.

Europe’s Innovation Crisis: How the Precautionary Principle Is Paralyzing Europe 

Over the past two decades, Europe has rebranded itself—from the birthplace of industrial revolutions and scientific breakthroughs to the world’s regulatory superpower. The so-called Brussels Effect — Europe’s ability to shape global standards through its regulatory power — has given the EU influence. But at home, it has stifled the very innovation it once championed.

At the heart of this approach is the precautionary principle — the idea that new technologies must be proven completely safe before use. Though well-intentioned, it often stalls progress. Innovation becomes seen as a threat, and entrepreneurs face the near-impossible burden of proving zero risk. Instead of managing risk, European regulators demand its total elimination, halting experimentation before it even starts. 

Contrast this with the United States, where a culture of permissionless innovation prevails. There, innovators are generally free to experiment unless they demonstrably cause harm. This difference in mindset explains why the US leads in AI, biotech, quantum computing, and space technology — and why Europe is falling behind.

Take the EU’s 2024 AI Act. While praised for its ethical goals, the legislation imposes strict risk classifications and high compliance costs that only large corporations can navigate. Startups, lacking legal teams and capital, are left behind. As a result, Europe sees fewer AI startups, diminished innovation, and a talent exodus to the US and China, where one-third of AI experts at American universities come from Europe. And when it comes to leading the development of AI models, the gap is even wider. In 2022, 54 percent of the creators of major AI models were American, while Germany — Europe’s top performer — had just three percent. 

This isn’t limited to AI. In biotechnology, Europe’s approval process for genetically modified organisms is among the slowest and most restrictive in the world. Experimental energy technologies are bogged down in red tape. Startups in high-risk, high-reward industries are routinely denied capital, not just because of investor caution, but because an overregulated financial system is conditioned to avoid anything uncertain. Rigid labor laws add further friction — hiring is inflexible, firing is expensive, and adaptation becomes difficult. 

Europe’s Innovation Exodus: The High Cost of Playing It Safe

The cumulative impact of Europe’s regulatory overreach is increasingly hard to ignore: talent, capital, and innovation are steadily flowing out of the continent. Europe has become a place where ideas are born but rarely scaled. Nearly one-third of European startups that achieve unicorn status eventually relocate abroad — most often to the United States — in search of more supportive ecosystems and easier access to capital.

The numbers underscore the magnitude of the issue. The US dominates the global unicorn landscape, hosting over 55 percent of all unicorns and 75 percent of total unicorn valuation. In contrast, the EU accounts for less than 10 percent of unicorns and just 3 percent of global value. A key reason is the disparity in venture capital: European VC investment fell from $100 billion in 2021 to just $45 billion in 2023, while US startups raised $170 billion. As a share of GDP, US venture capital reached 0.21 percent in 2023, five times higher than the EU’s 0.04 percent.

In deep tech, the gap is striking. Seven of the top ten quantum computing firms are American, and none are European-headquartered. In AI, more than 80 percent of global investment flows to firms in the US and China, while Europe receives just seven percent. This investment gap is reinforced by weaker R&D spending. Europe invests only 2.2 percent of its GDP in R&D compared to 3.4 percent in the US and 5 percent in South Korea. 

The warning signs are already clear. 

Since 2015, Europe’s productivity growth has averaged just 0.7 percent per year — less than half the US rate and barely one-ninth of China’s. In 1995, US and EU productivity were roughly equal. Today, Europe lags by nearly 20 percent — a gap that threatens its long-term competitiveness and economic growth.

Europe is running out of time. With an aging population and shrinking workforce, it cannot afford to rest on past achievements. Without bold structural reform, the continent risks becoming a museum of past glories rather than a factory of future breakthroughs. 

But decline is not destiny. Europe can still reclaim its innovative edge — if it’s willing to abandon the comfort of overregulation and embrace a new era of economic freedom and market dynamism. That means accepting risk and uncertainty, unleashing permissionless innovation, expanding access to venture capital, and reforming rigid labor and bankruptcy laws that stifle entrepreneurial ambition.

The US leads because it rewards bold ideas and tolerates failure. Europe’s culture, by contrast, punishes risk and drives talent away. The solution is not tighter control, but greater freedom. 

As Milton Friedman famously explained: 

The great achievements of civilization have come not from government bureaus but from individuals pursuing their own interests. Wherever masses have escaped grinding poverty, it’s been through capitalism and largely free trade. History shows clearly there’s no better way to improve the lot of ordinary people than the productive energy unleashed by the free-enterprise system.

Until Europe learns to trust its innovators and entrepreneurs, it will remain sidelined in the global innovation race.

We’ve seen this before: fear, overregulation, and political hubris at the dawn of an economic breakthrough. Will we learn from history — or repeat its mistakes?

In every era of transformation, one thing never changes: politicians panic.

When the agricultural revolution spread through Europe and into the early American colonies, it upended social orders. Elites feared farmers with new tools would abandon the land. During the Industrial Revolution, steam power and factory machines were labeled threats to jobs and morality. And in the digital age, the rise of the internet was met with a flurry of federal blue-ribbon panels warning about everything from pornography to “cyberspace addiction.”

Now comes artificial intelligence — the next great leap in human productivity — and the cycle is repeating itself. Only this time, the stakes are global, and the timeline is faster.

Last week, the Trump administration released its AI Action Plan — a significant course correction from the Biden years that scraps top-down federal control and embraces innovation through deregulation, investment, and infrastructure. It’s one of the most pro-market approaches to AI policy we’ve seen from any Western government.

However, while the plan’s vision is mostly correct, it lacks a crucial protection: a federal moratorium on state-level AI regulation. That omission leaves the door wide open for 50 different states to suffocate innovation under 50 different bureaucratic regimes.

This Moment Is America’s to Lose

Artificial intelligence isn’t a robot uprising — it’s advanced computing, a continuation of decades of machine learning, data science, and automation. Like past revolutions, it is a general-purpose technology with a massive upside: from medical diagnostics to precision agriculture, logistics, and personalized education.

This is the beginning of a transformation on par with the printing press, the steam engine, and the internet. Yet like every leap forward, it’s greeted with a mix of excitement and fear. And fear tends to invite government overreach.

Entrepreneurs don’t know exactly what AI will look like ten years from now — but they have vastly more insight than politicians ever will, because they live in the feedback loops of real-time trial and error. Markets discover. Governments delay.

Just look at where capital is going: AI startups raised $104 billion in the first half of 2025 alone — more than in any full year prior. Guggenheim analysts expect even larger gains ahead as enterprise adoption continues to soar.

This may not be a bubble but a boom. And America is positioned to lead — if we don’t regulate ourselves into stagnation.

Can Washington Rein in the States?

Some may question whether the federal government has the constitutional authority to stop states from regulating AI. The answer is yes — when interstate commerce is clearly involved, as it is with nearly every AI tool, system, and application. From cloud infrastructure to multi-state model deployment to international data flows, AI is not a local matter. It’s a global one.

The US Constitution empowers Congress to “regulate Commerce… among the several States,” and the courts have long upheld federal preemption in nationally integrated markets. In Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), the Supreme Court made it clear: when a state law interferes with the free flow of interstate commerce, the federal government has both the right and duty to act.

As James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 42, the Commerce Clause was essential to “guard against the many practices… which have hitherto embarrassed the intercourse of the States.” That applies perfectly to today’s AI patchwork.

While states have roles to play, they should not be left to erect legal walls around innovation or preempt national policy through fear and overreach. A temporary moratorium, while aggressive, would be both constitutional and necessary to ensure America doesn’t fumble the biggest economic opportunity in a generation.

The Trump Plan Is Pro-Growth, but the States Are a Risk

Fortunately, Trump’s new Executive Order 14179 repealed Biden’s restrictive EO 14110, which had empowered bureaucrats to embed fairness checks and ideological audits in AI tools. That approach mirrored the EU’s bloated AI Act — and would have ensured US developers got bogged down in red tape while China continued to advance.

The new federal plan rejects that path. It commits to:

  • Cutting permitting delays for AI infrastructure and semiconductor fabs
  • Encouraging open-weight AI models to foster competition
  • Expanding workforce education and employer training with fewer tax penalties
  • Prioritizing innovation over precaution

This is the right vision. But without a preemptive strike against state overreach, it may be impossible to implement in practice.

The House-passed version of Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB) included a federal moratorium on new state AI regulations. That language was dropped by the Senate before final passage. The expected result is chaos.

State Capitols Are Legislating Blind

In 2025 alone, more than 1,000 AI-related bills were introduced across all 50 states — up from nearly 700 in 2024, according to the James Madison Institute. The National Conference of State Legislatures confirms that dozens of those have already become law.

Here’s the problem: these aren’t coherent guardrails — they’re preemptive policy panic.

  • California wants every AI output evaluated for “equity harms,” whatever that means.
  • New York is pushing for AI licensing boards and pre-release approvals.
  • Even Texas, which often leads in free-market policy, passed HB 149 (TRAIGA), creating a new bureaucracy to oversee so-called “high-risk” AI applications. It’s better than where it started, but still opens the door to creeping state control.

This is not just regulatory noise — it’s a threat to the scalability of American innovation. It fragments compliance and deters investment, particularly in open-source or startup environments.

Don’t Let History Repeat

Every time a new tool comes along that threatens old structures, lawmakers feel the need to “do something.” But as Milton Friedman taught us, the government solution to a problem is usually worse than the problem.

In truth, the best response to AI fear may be no response at all — at least not yet. We already have laws on the books to address fraud, discrimination, theft, and safety. We don’t need to build new bureaucracies to police speculative harms that may never materialize.

The biggest risk is not that AI goes rogue. It’s that our political class chokes off its development with regulatory hubris.

The EU is already moving in that direction. And while China may look fast on the surface, it’s doing so through central planning and repression, which ultimately stifles the kind of open innovation that gave the world the microchip and the internet.

America can still lead. But it must do so by trusting markets, not mandates.

Let Parents and Entrepreneurs Lead

Rather than preemptively outlawing AI tools in classrooms or forcing private businesses to submit models for approval, we should let parents, workers, students, and entrepreneurs decide what works best for them.

We don’t need governors and attorneys general positioning themselves as AI overlords to score political points. We need an environment where knowledge creation is decentralized, experimentation is encouraged, and failure is an integral part of the process.

Just as in the past, those who fear the new are demanding power over it. But history tells us: the real danger is not the technology — it’s the legislation that follows fear.

Give Innovation a Fighting Chance

The Trump administration’s AI Action Plan is a welcome course correction. It prioritizes innovation over regulation, removes ideological roadblocks, and trusts the market to do what it does best — discover, adapt, and grow.

But unless Congress follows through with a moratorium on new state AI laws, this moment of opportunity will collapse under a pile of conflicting mandates and political micromanagement. We can’t lead the world while tripping over our own red tape.

We’ve seen this before. Every great economic revolution — agriculture, industry, technology — was nearly smothered by fear and top-down control. We can’t afford to make the same mistake with artificial intelligence.

Let’s stop pretending politicians know what’s coming next. They don’t. Entrepreneurs have a better shot — not because they’re perfect, but because they’re accountable to reality, not to reelection.

Congress should act now. Delay the deluge of state AI regulation. Let existing laws do their job. And give this generation’s innovators the space to build the future. That’s how America wins the AI race — not with more government, but with more freedom.

When Canadian-Russian programmer Vitalik Buterin penned a white paper in 2013 outlining a new kind of blockchain platform, few could have predicted the seismic impact it would have on the world of finance, technology, and beyond.

Today (July 30), Ethereum turns 10 years old, marking a milestone that represents a decade of one of the most influential blockchain platforms and a testament to the growing pains, triumphs, and resilience of the decentralized movement.

How did Ethereum go from a white paper drafted by a 19-year-old to a billion-dollar ecosystem that reshaped global finance?

Read on to find out more.

What is Ethereum and who invented it?

Co-founder Buterin said in a 2016 interview that Ethereum was born out of admiration for Bitcoin’s decentralized structure and frustration at its limited capabilities.

“I thought [those in the Bitcoin community] weren’t approaching the problem in the right way. I thought they were going after individual applications; they were trying to kind of explicitly support each [use case] in a sort of Swiss Army knife protocol,” Buterin said, summarizing his motivation to build something more adaptable.

From this foundational idea, Ethereum emerged as a decentralized, programmable blockchain — a “world computer” that would host smart contracts and decentralized applications (dApps), cutting out middlemen and enabling new forms of coordination.

The foundation of the fledgling project was laid between 2013 and 2014. After releasing his white paper in late 2013, Buterin attracted a handful of co-founders, including Gavin Wood, Charles Hoskinson, Joseph Lubin, Anthony Di Iorio, Jeffrey Wilcke, Mihai Alisie, and Amir Chetrit. Together, they spearheaded a crowdfunding campaign in mid-2014 that raised over US$18 million, one of the earliest and most successful Initial Coin Offerings (ICOs) in crypto history.

Despite this momentum, the Ethereum blockchain didn’t launch until July 30, 2015. That release, dubbed “Frontier,” was a basic, raw, and developer-focused version of Ethereum designed for building the infrastructure that would follow.

ETH, Ethereum’s native coin, initially traded for under a dollar. The early months saw little market movement as ETH hovered between US$0.70 and US$2.00, supported mainly by enthusiasts and developers interested in dApp potential.

When was Ethereum’s first major peak?

Ethereum’s first major price rally came during the 2017 crypto bull run, when rising global interest in blockchain technology and the initial coin offering (ICO) boom brought ETH into the mainstream.

After beginning the year at just barely US$8, Ethereum surged to a then-record high of around US$1,400 by January 2018, capping off one of the most explosive price increases in the history of digital assets. This more than 17,000 percent rise was driven by a combination of speculative demand and the emergence of Ethereum as the preferred platform for launching new tokens via ICOs.

By early 2018, however, the market began to reverse. A sweeping crypto correction saw Ethereum’s price fall back below US$100 by the end of that year. The drawdown exposed Ethereum’s technical bottlenecks, such as high gas fees and slow confirmation times during network congestion.

What was the DAO Hack, and how did it influence Ethereum’s trajectory?

Ethereum’s ethos of decentralization was also tested early on. In 2016, an experiment in decentralized governance — the Decentralized Autonomous Organization or DAO — raised about US$150 million in ETH from the community. The idea was to create a venture capital fund governed entirely by smart contracts and token-holder votes.

But just weeks after launch, a vulnerability in the DAO’s code that allowed for recursive call exploit was discovered, draining 3.6 million ETH or about a third of the fund.

At just ten months old, Ethereum was now facing a crisis that tested its fundamental principles, chief among them the immutability of the blockchain and the inviolability of smart contracts.

Three primary responses were debated. One option was to do nothing, honoring the hacker’s actions as legitimate under the rules of the code and accepting the theft. Another was to implement a “soft fork” that would blacklist the child DAO’s address, effectively freezing the stolen funds.

The most radical option was a “hard fork” that would roll back the ledger and return all stolen Ether to the original investors, which would undo the hack entirely.

Ultimately, the hard fork went ahead, and Ethereum split into two chains: the main Ethereum chain (ETH), where the funds were returned to investors, and a new chain called Ethereum Classic (ETC), which preserved the original ledger including the DAO hack.

How has Ethereum performed post-2020?

u200bEthereum price performance July 30, 2015 - June 30, 2025.

Ethereum price performance July 30, 2015 – June 30, 2025.

Chart via TradingView.

Ethereum reached its all-time high price of US$4,878 on November 10, 2021, during the peak of the 2020–2021 crypto bull run. The rally was driven by a convergence of factors: institutional adoption of crypto, a massive expansion of decentralized finance (DeFi), and explosive interest in NFTs, most of which were built on Ethereum’s ERC-721 standard.

By late 2021, Ethereum was settling billions in daily transaction volume and powering thousands of decentralized applications, cementing its position as the leading smart contract platform.

However, the peak was short-lived. Inflation fears and global risk aversion in early 2022 triggered a sharp correction across risk assets, including crypto. Ethereum’s price dipped below US$1,000 in June 2022 amid cascading liquidations and platform collapses like Terra and Celsius.

Still, even through the drawdown, Ethereum remained the backbone of DeFi, NFT markets, and layer-2 innovation, setting the stage for its long-planned transition to proof-of-stake later that year.

In the years that followed the fork, Ethereum faced growing pressure to scale and reduce its environmental impact, particularly as DeFi and NFT activity surged.

These challenges set the stage for a major protocol overhaul: Ethereum’s transition from Proof-of-Work (PoW) to Proof-of-Stake (PoS) was considered to be one of the most ambitious technical feats in blockchain history. Officially known as “the Merge,” the upgrade combined Ethereum’s execution layer (the mainnet) with the Beacon Chain, which introduced staking-based consensus.

The Merge took place in September 2022 and the environmental impact was immediate: Ethereum’s energy consumption dropped by over 99 percent.

While the Merge had little short-term effect on price, it marked a crucial moment for Ethereum’s long-term viability. At the time of the upgrade, ETH was trading at around US$1,600, which was a sharp decline from its all-time high of US$4,891 in November 2021 during the height of the crypto bull market.

That price peak had been driven by unprecedented network demand as NFTs and decentralized finance exploded in popularity, both largely built on Ethereum. By mid-2022, however, macroeconomic tightening, rising interest rates, and a series of high-profile crypto failures, including the collapse of TerraUSD and the insolvency of major lending platforms, had triggered a broad downturn.

After the Merge, ETH remained volatile. It already lost ground by as much as 70 percent against crypto leader Bitcoin since the Merge, and the introduction of EIP-1559 in 2021 had already created a more deflationary pressure on ETH supply through base fee burns.

Despite this setback, ETH showed relative resilience compared to many altcoins. In 2023, Ethereum hovered mostly between US$1,200 and US$2,100, with price movements closely tracking investor sentiment toward regulatory developments, Bitcoin’s performance, and broader market liquidity. Institutional interest in Ethereum also grew during this period, with more funds launching ETH products and staking services expanding.

Entering 2024, Ethereum gained momentum amid improving macroeconomic conditions and renewed optimism about real-world applications for blockchain technology. The network saw moderate success in sectors like tokenized assets, layer-2 infrastructure, and decentralized identity.

ETH briefly reclaimed the US$4,000 level in early March 2024 before retreating again due to renewed regulatory scrutiny in the US. Despite the pullback, Ethereum remained the second-largest cryptoasset by market capitalization and retained the majority share of developer activity across all chains.

The 2025 Swing

Ethereum 1-year price performance, July 28, 2024 - July 28, 2025.

Ethereum 1-year price performance, July 28, 2024 – July 28, 2025.

Chart via TradingView.

Ethereum, as well as the rest of the crypto landscape, saw a full positive swing in 2025 as regulatory clarity dominated the first half of the year.

In June, the US Senate approved the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for US Stablecoins (GENIUS) Act with bipartisan support. President Donald Trump, now serving his second term, publicly backed the bill, calling it “a win for American innovation and financial leadership.”

The GENIUS Act establishes a regulatory framework for US-pegged stablecoins, requiring full reserve backing, independent audits, and federal licensing for large issuers. It also clarifies that qualifying stablecoins are not securities, pulling them out of the SEC’s jurisdiction and instead aligning oversight with banking regulators like the OCC and Federal Reserve.

Crucially, the law defines “payment stablecoins” as a new category of digital cash, and Ethereum has emerged as one of the largest beneficiaries of this policy shift. The majority of dollar-backed stablecoins, which include USDC, USDT, and newer entrants like PayPal USD, are issued and transacted on Ethereum.

The GENIUS Act’s legal recognition of stablecoins has given institutional players more confidence to engage with Ethereum-based infrastructure.

As a result, capital inflows into Ethereum have accelerated, with analysts noting a sharp uptick in demand for ETH as a “platform asset” powering tokenized dollars and digital settlement rails.

ETH’s price also soon followed. Following the Senate’s approval of the GENIUS Act in June 2025, ETH jumped over 25 percent in two weeks, briefly reaching US$3,824 — outperforming Bitcoin and breaking out of a multi-month consolidation range.

The act has also prompted strategic shifts among financial institutions. BlackRock, Fidelity, and JPMorgan have expanded their Ethereum-based offerings, including on-chain fund administration, tokenized treasuries, and collateralized lending protocols that rely on smart contracts.

Several US banks are also piloting internal payment rails using tokenized dollars on Ethereum rollups.

What’s next for Ethereum?

Buterin himself has acknowledged that Ethereum’s current roadmap is not the end. Speaking in late 2022 before the Merge, he noted that “Ethereum is 55 percent complete.”

The long-term vision includes greater privacy features, zero-knowledge proofs for secure scalability, and expanding the reach of dApps to a billion users.

As of mid-2025, Ethereum currently trades around US$3,400, buoyed by strong institutional adoption, continued growth of layer-2 networks like Arbitrum and Base, and early signs of real-world asset tokenization gaining traction among banks and fintech firms.

While Ethereum’s price remains well below its 2021 peak, its performance since 2020 reflects growing maturity, with fewer speculative surges and more interest anchored in a more crypto-friendly environment.

Securities Disclosure: I, Giann Liguid, hold no direct investment interest in any company mentioned in this article.

This post appeared first on investingnews.com

Investor Insight

With high-quality, drill-ready assets with world-class discovery potential, Piche Resources is a compelling business case for investors looking to leverage a bull market for uranium and gold.

Overview

Piche Resources (ASX:PR2) is an ASX-listed mineral exploration company focused on uranium and gold exploration in Tier-1 jurisdictions: Western Australia and Argentina. The company holds 100 percent ownership of all of its projects and is supported by a highly experienced board and technical team.

Maps of mining projects in Western Australia and Argentina Including assets of Piche Resources

Targeting globally significant discoveries in Tier-1 mineral provinces

Piche’s portfolio includes the advanced-stage Ashburton uranium project in Western Australia and two large-scale exploration projects in Argentina: the Cerro Chacon gold-silver project and the Sierra Cuadrada uranium project. These projects have delivered high-grade exploration results and are drill-ready, positioning the company to unlock significant shareholder value through systematic exploration programmes.

Piche has an internationally recognized board focused on creating long-term shareholder value, and an in-country technical team in Argentina with a proven track record of taking projects from discovery through to development.

Company Highlights

  • Flagship Ashburton uranium project in Western Australia with recent high-grade drilling results over wide intercepts.
  • Sierra Cuadrada uranium project in Argentina showing extensive near-surface mineralisation with assays up to 2.86 percent U₃O₈.
  • Cerro Chacon gold-silver project with high-grade surface results (up to 11.65 g/t gold and 333.7 g/t silver) across a 14 km mineralised corridor.
  • Fully permitted and EIA-approved for drilling at Cerro Chacon (Chacon South and Middle).
  • Large, 100-percent-owned tenement package across all projects (Ashburton: 335 sq km; Cerro Chacon: 414 sq km; Sierra Cuadrada: 1,310 km²).
  • Board of directors includes former leaders of Peninsula Energy, Orano, Rio Tinto Uranium and Barrick Gold.
  • Upcoming drill campaigns planned at Cerro Chacon and Ashburton to test multiple high-priority targets.

Key Projects

Gold: Cerro Chacon, Argentina

Geological map and field survey of Piche Resources

Cerro Chacon interpreted geology and tenement holding

Cerro Chacon is a large-scale, early-stage gold-silver exploration project located in the Chubut Province of Argentina. The project is situated within a region known for hosting world-class low-sulphidation epithermal systems, including Cerro Negro and Cerro Vanguardia. With multiple gold-bearing structures confirmed over a 14 km corridor, Cerro Chacon is emerging as a highly promising and underexplored precious metals system with substantial scale and grade potential.

Project Highlights

Location: ~40 km southwest of Paso de Indios, Chubut Province

Tenure: 414 sq km across multiple tenements

Highlights:

  • A 14 km-long mineralised corridor has been delineated across Chacon Grid, La Javiela and Toro Hosco prospects.
  • High-grade geochemical results include:
    • 11.65 g/t gold and 120.3 g/t silver at Toro Hosco
    • 333.7 g/t silver, 9.48 percent lead, and 8.57 percent zinc at La Javiela South
  • Maiden RC drilling programme of 57 holes (7,905 m) scheduled across three main targets:
    • Chacon Grid: 45 holes (5,590 m)
    • La Javiela: 8 holes (1,740 m)
    • Toro Hosco: 4 holes (575 m)
  • EIA approvals for Chacon South and Chacon Middle were received in May 2025, enabling drilling to proceed.
  • Vein systems range from 2 to 6 km in strike length and up to 50 m in width; hosted within structurally controlled low-sulphidation epithermal veins (LSEV).

Uranium: Ashburton Project, Australia

Geological map showing Piche Resources

The Ashburton project is Piche’s flagship uranium exploration asset in Australia, situated in the Pilbara region of Western Australia. Located within a historically underexplored but highly prospective unconformity-related uranium district, the project provides the company with strong leverage to the growing global demand for uranium. The project is geologically analogous to world-class Proterozoic uranium systems, with multiple confirmed mineralised zones and a regional corridor of 60 km.

Project Highlights

  • Location: Pilbara region, ~1,150 km north of Perth
  • Tenure: 335 sq km following the recent application for tenement E52/4461 (214 sq km), adding to the existing 122 sq km holdings.
  • Highlights:
    • 2024 RC and diamond drilling confirmed high-grade uranium mineralisation at multiple stratigraphic levels.
    • Best intercepts include:
      • 3.45 m @ 5,129 ppm eU₃O₈ from 137.62 m (ARC006)
      • 10.48 m @ 1,412 ppm eU₃O₈ from 114.30 m (ADD005)
      • 2.42 m @ 2,681 ppm eU₃O₈ from 155.10 m (ADD003).
      • 7.86 m @ 2,266 ppm eU₃O₈ from 105.42 m (ADD006)
    • The company has outlined a 60 km structural corridor hosting multiple uranium occurrences including Angelo A & B, Canyon Creek, Ristretto and Atlantis.
    • Atlantis prospect: historical drilling returned up to 7,400 ppm U₃O₈ over 2.2 m; rock chip samples have returned up to 37 percent U₃O₈.

Uranium: Sierra Cuadrada, Argentina

Sierra Cuadrada is Piche’s primary uranium asset in Argentina, covering a vast area within the San Jorge Basin. This large-scale project has demonstrated strong surface uranium mineralisation with multiple drill-ready prospects. With mineralisation confirmed across extensive zones and supported by historical radiometric and geochemical data, Sierra Cuadrada has the potential to host multiple Tier-1 uranium deposits in a cost-effective, near-surface setting.

Geological map Piche Resources

Teo 5 and 6 prospect 2024 auger drill programme

Project Highlights:

Location: San Jorge Basin, ~200 km north of Comodoro Rivadavia

Tenure: 1,310 sq km across multiple licences

Highlights:

  • The project area contains broad, flat-lying mineralisation at multiple stratigraphic levels.
  • High-grade uranium assays include:
    • 28,650 ppm U₃O₈ (2.86 percent) from rock chip sampling at Teo 8
    • 24,017 ppm U₃O₈ from channel sampling
    • 2,772 ppm U₃O₈ over 0.5m from auger drill sample
  • Mineralised zones extend over a strike of 60 sq km, with confirmed targets on the majority of tenements.
  • 2024 auger drilling and sampling confirmed uranium continuity across a sandstone and conglomerate sedimentary package with 14 samples exceeding 200 ppm U₃O₈.
  • Rock chip sampling has returned 114 samples >200ppm U₃O₈
  • RC drilling is planned to follow up on anomalies identified in the auger and channel sampling programmes.

Management Team

John (Gus) Simpson – Executive Chairman

John Simpson has over 37 years of experience in mineral exploration, development and mining. Previously the executive chairman and founder of Peninsula Energy Limited (ASX:PEN), a USA uranium producer.

Stephen Mann – Managing Director

Stephen Mann is a geologist with over 40 years of experience in exploration, discovery and development of mining projects, including 20 years in the uranium sector. Formerly the Australian managing director of Orano, the world’s third-largest uranium producer.

Pablo Marcet –Executive Director

Pablo Marcet is a senior geoscientist with 38 years of experience in exploration, discovery and development of mineral deposits. Currently an independent director of lithium producer Arcadium Lithium (NYSE:ALTM) and previously a director of Barrick Gold (NYSE:GOLD) and U3O8 (TSX:UWE).

Clark Beyer – Non-executive Director

Clark Beyer is an internationally recognized nuclear industry executive with over 35 years of experience. Formerly the managing director of Rio Tinto Uranium and currently principal of Global Fuel Solutions, providing strategic consulting to the international uranium and nuclear fuels market.

Stanley Macdonald – Non-executive Director

Stanley Macdonald is a nationally recognized mining entrepreneur, founding director and instrumental in the success of numerous ASX-listed companies, such as Giralia Resources, Northern Star and Redhill Iron. He is currently a director of Zenith Minerals.

This post appeared first on investingnews.com

The Senate confirmed President Donald Trump’s nominee Emil Bove as a federal judge Tuesday, handing a controversial leader at the Department of Justice a lifetime role on a powerful appellate court.

Bove was narrowly confirmed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit in a 50-49vote with no support from Democrats. His confirmation followed a contentious weeks-long vetting process that included three whistleblower complaints and impassioned outside figures voicing both support and opposition to his nomination.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, said from the Senate floor before the vote that he supported Bove and believed the nominee had been the target of ‘unfair accusations and abuse.’

‘He has a strong legal background and has served his country honorably. I believe he will be a diligent, capable, and fair jurist,’ Grassley said. 

Bove’s ascension to the appellate court marks a peak in his legal career.

He started out as a high-achieving student, college athlete and Georgetown University law school graduate. He went on to clerk for two federal judges and worked for about a decade as a federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York, leading high-profile terrorism and drug trafficking cases through 2019.

Alongside Todd Blanche, now a deputy attorney general, Bove led Trump’s personal defense team during the president’s criminal prosecutions. Blanche told Fox News Digital in an interview last month that Bove was a ‘brilliant lawyer’ who authored the vast majority of their legal briefs for Trump’s cases. In a letter to the Senate, attorney Gene Schaerr called Bove’s brief writing ‘superb.’

Bove will leave behind his job as principal associate deputy attorney general at the DOJ. Attorney General Pam Bondi congratulated him in a statement.

‘This is a GREAT day for our country,’ Bondi wrote on X. ‘I cannot thank Emil enough for his tireless work and support at @TheJusticeDept. He will be missed — and he will be an outstanding judge.’

Two Republicans, Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine, voted against Bove.

Democrats and some who crossed paths with Bove during his time in New York and at DOJ headquarters fiercely opposed his nomination and said he was unqualified.

One whistleblower, Erez Reuveni, had become a successful prosecutor at the DOJ over the last 15 years when he was fired under Bove’s watch. Reuveni said he was party to a meeting in March in which Bove floated defying any court orders that would hinder one of Trump’s most legally questionable deportation plans, a claim Bove denies. Reuveni also said the culture at the DOJ, particularly during the most intense moments of immigration lawsuits, involved misleading federal judges and was like nothing he had experienced during his tenure, which included Trump’s first term.

Two other anonymous whistleblowers emerged at the eleventh hour during the confirmation process and vouched for Reuveni’s claims.

A spokeswoman for Grassley told Fox News Digital the third whistleblower only brought claims to Senate Democrats and did not attempt to engage with Grassley. Grassley’s staff eventually met with the whistleblower’s lawyers after the chairman’s office reached out, the spokeswoman said.

Grassley said his staff interviewed more than a dozen people to vet the initial whistleblower claims and could not find evidence that Bove urged staff to defy the courts.

‘Even if you accept most of the claims as true, there’s no scandal,’ Grassley said. ‘Government lawyers aggressively litigating and interpreting court orders isn’t misconduct—it’s what lawyers do.’

While in New York, Bove also alienated some colleagues. In 2018, a band of defense lawyers said in emails reported by The Associated Press that Bove could not ‘be bothered to treat lesser mortals with respect or empathy.’ Another lawyer who had interactions with Bove in New York told Fox News Digital he was a ‘bully’ who browbeat people. 

A group that opposes Bove’s nomination, Justice Connection, published a letter signed by more than 900 former DOJ employees calling for the Senate to reject Bove’s nomination.

Among their concerns was that Bove led the controversial dismissal of Democratic New York City Mayor Eric Adams’ federal corruption charges. Several DOJ officials resigned in protest over Bove’s orders to toss out the charges. In the letter, the former employees said Bove has been ‘trampling over institutional norms’ and that he lacked impartiality.

Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats, in an unusual move, staged a walkout at a hearing on Bove before a recent vote to advance his nomination. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., called him a ‘henchman,’ a description Democrats have widely adopted for him.

‘He’s the extreme of the extreme,’ Schumer told reporters. ‘He’s not a jurist. He’s a Trumpian henchman. That seems to be the qualification for appointees these days.’

Bove defended himself against critics during his confirmation hearing.

‘I am not anybody’s henchman. I’m not an enforcer,’ Bove said. ‘I’m a lawyer from a small town who never expected to be in an arena like this.’

Fox News’ Alex Miller contributed to this report.


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